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Reprint From: http://chairmanmaozedong.org/article/210.html

(October and November 1953)

Two talks to the responsible members of the Rural Work Department of theCentral Committee of the Chinese Communist Party before and during the Thirdconference on Mutual Aid and Co-operation in Agriculture, which was convened bythe Central Committee and held from October 26 to November 5, 1953.

I. THE TALK OF OCTOBER 15

Make a success of the agricultural producers’ co-operatives and a bigexpansion of the mutual-aid teams will follow.

In the new liberated areas every county, whether large, medium-sized orsmall, should set up one or two successful co-operatives this winter and nextspring after full preparations; there should be at least one, on the averageone to two and at most three, depending on how well the work has been done.Quotas should be allotted. To make the quota too big would mean rash advanceand to make it too small would be a Right deviation. To make the quota optionalwould be to let things drift. Can there be more than three? So long as theco-operatives meet the requirements, conform to the regulations andresolutions, are set up on a voluntary basis, have strong leading cadres (theirtwo chief qualifications being fair-mindedness and competence) and are wellrun, then the more the better, as Han Hsin said about the number of troops hecould command. The prefectural and county Party committees should be urged tomake vigorous efforts and do a good job. The rural work departments of theCentral Committee bureaus and of the provincial and municipal Party committeesshould keep a firm grasp on this matter and make it the pivot of theirwork.

There should be control figures and an allotment of quotas. Allotmentwithout compulsion — this is not commandism. After the October conference,there are four or five months to go, that is, November and December this year,January and February next year, and in the north the month of March as well. Wegive clear notice now that early next year another meeting will be called tocheck up on the work. There will definitely be a check-up then to see how it isgetting on.

Certain minority nationality areas where the agrarian reform has not beencompleted can be exempted from setting up co-operatives. The small number ofpoorly managed counties, for instance, counties where backward townshipsaccount for 30 to 40 per cent of the total, where Party secretaries areincompetent and where the work cannot start without leading to trouble, can beexempted for the time being and given no quota. Nevertheless, the provincialand prefectural Party committees should assume responsibility for helping themto straighten things out and to create the conditions for starting the worknext winter after the autumn harvest.

The general pattern is to proceed from the mutual-aid team to theco-operative, but it is also permissible to try and set up the co-operativedirectly. If you take the direct path and succeed, that will speed up the work.So why can’t it be tried? It can.

The rural work departments at all levels should look upon mutual aid andco-operation as a matter of vital importance. Peasants working on their owncannot raise production to any great extent, therefore we must promote mutualaid and co-operation. If socialism does not occupy the rural positions,capitalism inevitably will. Is it possible to take any road other than thecapitalist or the socialist road? The capitalist road can also lead toincreased production, but the time required would be longer and the coursepainful. We will not practice capitalism, that’s settled. Yet capitalism isbound to spread unchecked unless we go in for socialism.

The general line, the general programme, industrialization and socialisttransformation should be discussed at the forthcoming October conference.

Both “sustain private property” and the “four big freedoms” benefit the richpeasants and the well-to-do middle peasants. Why then are there relevantstipulations in the law? The law stipulates protection of private property, butthe word “sustain” is not in it. Some peasants are selling their land now,which is not good; though the law does not prohibit it, we should make effortsto prevent them from doing so. Setting up co-operatives is the solution.Mutual-aid teams by themselves are not enough to stop peasants selling theirland, only co-operatives, and big ones at that, can do so. Moreover, bigco-operatives can eliminate the need of some peasants to rent out land, for abig co-operative of one or two hundred households can solve the problem bytaking in households of widows, orphans and others not provided for. Thequestion of whether small co-operatives can likewise take in a few has to bestudied. The mutual-aid teams should also help widows, orphans and others notprovided for. If you can’t set up a big co-operative, try a medium-sized one;if you can’t set up a medium-sized co-operative, try a small one. But go for amedium-sized or big co-operative wherever possible, and don’t be upset at thesight of a big one. A co-operative of one or two hundred households can becounted big, but a co-operative of even three or four hundred households isalso possible. Setting up several sub-co-operatives under a big co-operative isan innovation, and it is by no means necessary to dissolve it. Running aco-operative well does not mean bringing everything to perfection. Absorb allkinds of experience, and don’t impose the same pattern everywhere.

More co-operatives should be established in the old liberated areas. Butsome new liberated areas may set up co-operatives at a faster tempo than someold ones. For instance, the central Shensi plain may develop faster thannorthern Shensi, the Chengtu plain faster than Fuping and other such places. Wemust dispel the idea that the new liberated areas are destined to go slow. Infact the Northeast is not an old liberated area, its southern part notdiffering much from the new liberated areas south of the Great Wall. Kiangsuand the Hangchow-Chiahsing-Huchow region will probably overtake the mountainousold liberated areas in Shantung and North China, and sothey should. Generally speaking, the new liberated areas may be allowed moretime for their work, but in those places where the cadres are strong, thepopulation is dense and the terrain level, co-operatives are likely to growfairly quickly once a few models are set up.

There are now six thousand co-operatives in North China. If the figure is tobe doubled, quotas can be allotted straight away. If the figure is to betripled, those concerned should be consulted. We should allot quotas reasonablyand have control figures, otherwise we shall be working without clear aims. TheNortheast should increase its co-operatives by 100, 150 or 200 per cent, and soshould North China The control figures should not be too high, so that thelocalities may surpass them. Overfulfilment will greatly enhance people’senthusiasm.

In developing co-operatives, we should strive for quantity, quality andeconomy. By economy we mean no failures; failures are a waste of the peasants’energy, with the bad end-result of losses both politically and in theproduction of grain. Our final objective is to produce more grain, cotton,sugar-cane, vegetables, and so on. There will be no way out unless grainproduction is increased, otherwise neither the state nor the people willbenefit.

Nor will there be a way out unless more vegetables are produced in thesuburbs, otherwise neither the state nor the people will benefit. Since theoutlying districts of the cities have rich soil and flat farmlands whichmoreover are publicly owned, big co-operatives may be set up there first. Ofcourse, the work needs to be quite painstaking, and there is even less room forsloppiness, because growing vegetables is different from growing grain. We mustset up pilot co-operatives and guard against rash advance.

To meet the urban demand for vegetables, we cannot rely on peasants workingon their own to bring their produce to the market. Ways must be worked out atthe production end as well as by the supply and marketing co-operatives. Asregards vegetables for the large cities, there is a big contradiction betweensupply and demand at present.

There are also big contradictions between supply and demand in the cases ofgrain and cotton, and others will soon emerge in the cases of meat, fats andedible oils. Demand is growing fast and cannot be met.

To resolve the contradiction between supply and demand, it is necessary toresolve the contradiction between ownership and the productive forces. Shouldownership be individual or collective? Capitalist ownership or socialistownership? Abundant supplies and the relations of production under individualownership are utterly incompatible with each other. There must be a transitionfrom individual ownership to collective ownership, to socialism. There areelementary co-operatives where land is pooled as shares, and there are advancedco-operatives in which land is owned in common, that is, by theco-operative.

In a sense the purpose of the general line is the solution of the problem ofownership. State ownership is to be expanded by building new state enterprisesand renovating and enlarging old ones. The two kinds of private ownership, thatof the working people and that of the bourgeoisie, are to be changedrespectively into collective ownership and state ownership (integration intosocialism through joint state-private management). Only thus can the productiveforces be expanded and China’s industrialization accomplished. Only when theproductive forces have developed can the contradiction between supply anddemand be resolved.

II. THE TALK OF NOVEMBER 4

Whatever we do must accord with reality, otherwise it is wrong. In order todo what accords with reality we must consider what is imperative and what ispossible, and what is possible depends on political and economic conditions andthe cadre situation. At present, it is at once imperative and possible todevelop agricultural producers’ co-operatives, for which there is a greatpotential. Failure to tap this potential means to mark time and make noadvance. Our legs are for walking, and it is wrong to stand still all the time.It is not right to force the dissolution of co-operatives which meet therequirements, this is wrong no matter what the circumstances. The campaign to“check impetuosity and rash advance” was a gust of wind, wasn’t it? As it blewfrom above, it brought down a number of agricultural producers’ co-operativesthat should have survived. An investigation should be made about suchco-operatives, the findings made known and the mistake admitted, otherwise thetownship cadres and activists in those places will have pent-up grievances.

We must work for socialism. “Sustain private property” is a bourgeoisconcept. “To be together all day long and never talk about fundamentals buttake pleasure only in giving small favours — indeed it’s a hopeless case!”“Never talk about fundamentals” means never talking about socialism, neverworking for socialism. Agricultural credits, relief grain, taxation accordingto fixed rates, tax reduction and exemption according to law, small-scale waterconservancy projects, wells and canals, deep ploughing and close planting,proper application of fertilizer, popularization of new-type walking ploughs,water-wheels, sprayers, insecticides, etc. — all these things are fine. But todo all this on the basis of the small peasant economy instead of by relying onsocialism is to give the peasants small favours. Once these fine things arelinked to the general line and to socialism, the case will be different, andthey will no longer be small favours. We must work for socialism and link thesefine things with it. As for “sustain private property” and the “four bigfreedoms”, there is all the more reason to call them small favours, andbesides, they are favours to the rich and well-to-do middle peasants. To layone’s hopes for greatly increased grain production and for a solution of thefood problem and of the all-important problem of the nation’s economy and thepeople’s livelihood not on socialism but on making much of the small peasanteconomy and on giving small favours on the basis of the individual economy —“indeed it’s a hopeless case”!

As an old saying goes, “Once the headrope of a fishing net is pulled up, allits meshes open.” It is only by taking hold of the key link the everything elsewill fall into its proper place. The key link means the main theme. Thecontradiction between socialism and capitalism an the gradual resolution ofthis contradiction — that is the main theme, the key link. Grasp this key link,and all kinds of political and economic work to help the peasants will fallunder it.

There are contradictions both inside and outside the agricultural producers’co-operatives. The present co-operatives are semi-socialist whereas peasantsworking on their own outside the co-operatives are entirely under the system ofprivate ownership. Hence there is a contradiction between the two. Themutual-aid teams are different from the agricultural producers’ co-operativesin that the former engage only in collective labour and do not affectownership. The present-day co-operatives are built on the basis of privateownership, with privately owned land, draught animals and large farm implementspooled as shares. Hence there is also a contradiction inside the co-operativebetween the socialist factors and private ownership, a contradiction which mustgradually be resolved. In the future, when our present-day semi-public,semi-private ownership advances to collective ownership this contradiction willbe resolved. We are taking steady steps, moving first from mutual-aid teamswhich contain rudiments of socialism to semi-socialist and later to fullysocialist co-operatives (which we still call agricultural producers’co-operatives, not collective farms). Generally speaking, the mutual-aid teamsremain the foundation of the agriculture producers’ co-operatives.

At one time, no mention was made of mutual aid and co-operation in severalof our documents, and to all of them I added words to the effect that mutualaid and co-operation were to be developed or the necessary and feasiblepolitical and economic work was to be done. Some people wanted to make much ofthe small peasant economy, an this was why they concentrated on opposingexcessive meddling with the peasants. True, there was some excessive meddlingat that time. The “five excesses” from higher up were rammed through variouschannels down to the lower levels, causing a lot of trouble. The “fiveexcesses” should never be tolerated, whether in the villages, factories or armyunits. The Central Committee has issued several documents to combat excessivemeddling, and this has done some good. What is meant by excessive meddling?Drawing up subjective plans at variance with reality and regardless of what isimperative and possible, or carrying out plans, even realistic ones, by meansof commandism. Subjectivism and commandism are always bad and will be so eventen thousand years hence. They are bad for the scattered small peasant economyand no less so for the co-operatives. But to do what is both imperative andpossible and moreover do it by means other than commandism — this cannot becalled excessive meddling. The above ought to be the yardstick when reviewingour work. Whatever is subjectivist and unrealistic is wrong. Whatever is donethrough commandism is likewise wrong. To mark time and make no advance is adeviation to the Right; to go beyond what is practicable is a deviation to the“Left”. Both are manifestations of subjectivism. Rash advance is wrong, failureto set up co-operatives when they can be set up is also wrong, and forcibledissolution of co-operatives even worse.

“Life is hard in the villages, all is not well and the measures adopted donot suit the small peasant economy.” Such complaints exist inside as well asoutside the Party. True, life is a bit hard in the villages, but we ought tomake a proper analysis. In fact, life is not all that hard, the grain-deficienthouseholds account for only 10 per cent or so, and half of them are those ofwidows, orphans and other people without a provider, who are in greatdifficulty for lack of labour-power, but the mutual-aid teams and theco-operatives can give them some help. After all, things are much better forthem than in Kuomintang days, and land has been distributed to them. Life isindeed hard for people in areas stricken by natural calamities, but they havereceived relief grain. The life of the peasants in general is good and isgetting better; that is why 80 to 90 per cent of them feel happy and supportthe government. About 7 per cent of the rural population, the landlords andrich peasants, are dissatisfied with the government. “Life is hard in thevillages, and things are terrible there” — certainly this has not been my view.Some people speak of the scattered nature as well as the hardships of thevillages, that is, the scattered nature of the small peasant economy; but indoing so, they fail to mention forming co-operatives. To carry out thesocialist transformation of the individual economy, to promote mutual aid andco-operation and to set up co-operatives — this is not merely the direction totake but the immediate task before us.

But for the Conference on Financial and Economic Work held in July andAugust, the question of the general line would have remained unsettled for manycomrades. The aim of that conference was mainly to settle this question. Wecriticized Po I-po precisely for his mistake in departing from the generalline. In short, the general line means the gradual accomplishment of thesocialist industrialization of our country and of the socialist transformationof agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce. The plannedpurchase and supply of grain recently put into effect has given a big impetusto socialism. The present Conference on Mutual Aid and Co-operation, comingshortly after as it does, will give it another big impetus. In view of the factthat the campaign for mutual aid and co-operation has been held back for thebetter part of this year, the present conference should be more active in thisrespect. But our policies must be made clear. It is very important to make ourpolicies known.

“Active leadership and steady development” — this is well put. The campaignhas been held back for the better part of this year and has marked time withoutmaking any advance. This is not quite right. However, there is a positive sideto it. It is like fighting battles. After each battle there should be time forrest and consolidation before starting the next. The trouble is that in someplaces too many of our positions have been given up, while in others it has notbeen a matter of giving up too many positions but failure to develop wheredevelopment was possible and failure to allow any development or give itapproval so that it became illegal. In this world it often happens that manynew-born things which are correct are considered illegal. We ourselves were“illegal” in the past while the Kuomintang was “legal”. But these illegalco-operatives have held on to this day and are doing quite well. Can you stillwithhold recognition? You have to admit that they are legal, after all theyhave won out.

The conference has discussed active leadership and steady development, butyou should anticipate some troubles. You may talk about being active andsteady, and yet in practice you may fail to give active leadership or achievesteady development. Being active and steady entails setting control figures,assigning tasks and then checking whether they are fulfilled. Failure to fulfilwhat can be fulfilled is impermissible, it shows a lack of enthusiasm forsocialism. According to the findings of our check-up, 5 to 10 per cent of theco-operatives have shown a drop in output and are not doing so well. This isdue to lack of active leadership. Of course, it is inevitable that a fewco-operatives should show a fall in production because of poor management.However, if 20 per cent of the co-operatives, or even more, were to show a fallin production, that would be quite a problem.

The general line means a gradual change in the relations of production.According to Stalin, the system of ownership is the basis of the relations ofproduction. Comrades must have a clear understanding of this point. At present,both private ownership and socialist public ownership are legal, but privateownership will gradually become illegal. To “sustain private ownership” ofthree mou of land and practice the “four big freedoms” is to facilitate thegrowth of a small number of rich peasants and follow the capitalist road.

County and district cadres must gradually switch their work to mutual aidand co-operation in agricultural production, to the promotion of socialism. Ifthey are not working for socialism, what are they working for? For theindividual economy? Secretaries of county and district Party committees mustlook upon working for socialism as a matter of major importance. Partysecretaries must take charge, and I am the secretary of the Central Committee.Secretaries of the Central Committee bureaus, secretaries of the provincial,prefectural, county and district Party committees and secretaries at all levelsmust take charge and attend to the job in person. At present, the CentralCommittee is devoting 70 to 80 per cent of its efforts to the socialisttransformation of agriculture. Similarly, to transform capitalist industry andcommerce is also to work for socialism. Comrades of the rural work departmentsat all levels and all those present at this conference must become experts inthe socialist transformation of agriculture and well versed in theory, line,policy and method.

To provide the cities with vegetables depends chiefly on planned supply.There are dense populations in the large and rising cities, and how can theypossibly manage without vegetables? This problem must be solved. If it is notpossible to ensure the production and supply of vegetables by setting upmutual-aid teams in the suburban areas, you can bypass that stage and set upsemi-socialist or even fully socialist co-operatives. This question needs goinginto.

A plan for the development of the producers’ co-operatives has been putforward. Over 32,000 co-operatives are to be set up this winter and next springand right up to the time of the autumn harvest. By 1957, the number will havereached 700,000. But a sudden increase at one time or another should beexpected, and the number of co-operatives may rise to a million, or perhapsmore. In short, set up co-operatives in large numbers and manage them well,give active leadership and achieve steady development.

This conference has been fruitful. If we had not held it and waited tillnext January, it would have been too late, and this winter would have slippedby. We shall hold another conference on March 26 next year and check up on howour plan has been carried out. It is a good idea for this conference to fix thedate of the next meeting and to decide that it will review the implementationof the resolution adopted here. Next autumn we shall hold still anotherconference to discuss and decide on the tasks for the following winter.

NOTES

(1). Han Hsin was a leading general under Liu Pang, first emperor of the HanDynasty. According to the Historical Records, Liu Pang once asked Han Hsin howmany troops he could command. “The more the better,” he answered.

(2). See p. 224 below.

(3). J. V. Stalin, “Dialectical and Historical Materialism”.

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